Der afriCult Dialog 2025

Der afriCult Dialog findet jedes Jahr vor dem Musikfestival statt. Die Veranstaltung wird seit einigen Jahren in unterschiedlichsten Formaten veranstaltet. Jedes Jahr werden unterschiedlichste Themen diskutiert, die die afrikanische Diaspora-Gemeinde stark beeinflusst.

Der Dialog soll unterschiedliche Themenfelder aufgreifen und seine Besucher neue Denkansätze geben. Inspirierend für Menschen aller Herkunft bietet der afriCult Dialog ein reiches Programm an Themenschwerpunkten an dessen Ende das finden von Lösungsansätzen zentral sind.

Für den Dialog werden immer ExpertInnen mit unterschiedlichsten Hintergrundwissen eingeladen, um zu den ausgesuchten Themen zu sprechen.

Auf den folgenden Seiten findet ihr einen Einblick in vergangene Dialogprogramm-Punkte und die Informationen des aktuellen Dialogs.

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Podiumsdiskussion

Children Of Mixed Race Parents: Reality and Challenges

Wir diskutieren über die „Children Of Mixed Race Parents: Reality and Challenges“. Unsere Schwerpunkte umfassen diese Bereiche:

1. Which parent determines the skin color of a baby?

2. What are the benefits of mixed children?

3. Do biracial babies get darker after birth?

4. What are the hardships of blended families?

5. What are the challenges of parents who have multiples?

6. What are the stages of biracial identity development?

7. What is the difference between biracial and multiracial?

8. How do multiracial people identify their children?

Freitag 11. Juli 2025 16:00 - 19:00 Uhr

Laaerberg, „Festwiese“, Otto-Geißler-Platz, 1100 Wien

Alle Angaben ohne Gewähr. Änderungen und Irrtümer vorbehalten.

Zusammenfassung

Some interracial families face discrimination in their communities. Some children from multiracial families report teasing, whispers, and stares when with their…….

 

More Questions: 

 

What are the challenges of raising a biracial child?

What will my mixed race baby look like?

Which parent determines the race of a child?

Can a mixed couple have a white baby? 

 

multiracial_family.jpg 

 

Daughters of interracial parents are more likely than sons to identify as multiracial, and this is especially true for children of black-white couples, according to a new study which appeared in the February, 2016 issue of the American Sociological Review. 

 

Among black-white biracials (the offspring of interracial couples in which one parent is black and the other is white) in the study, 76 percent of women and 64 percent of men identified as multiracial. In terms of Latino-white biracials, 40 percent of women and 32 percent of men self-labeled as multiracial. Regarding Asian-white biracials, 56 percent of women and 50 percent of men identified as multiracial. 

 

“It would seem that, for biracial women, looking racially ambiguous is tied to racial stereotypes surrounding femininity and beauty,” said study author Lauren Davenport, an assistant professor of political science at Stanford University. “So, biracial women are often seen as not fully white and not entirely minority, and they are cast as kind of a mysterious, intriguing ‘racial other.’ As a consequence, it may be easier for women to reside in multiple racial groups simultaneously. However, biracial men may be more likely to be perceived as ‘people of color.’ I argue that the different ways that biracial people are viewed by others influences how they see themselves.” 

 

Titled, “The Role of Gender, Class, and Religion in Biracial Americans’ Racial Labeling Decisions,” the study relies on data from the Cooperative Institutional Research Program (CIRP) Freshman Survey. Every year, thousands of incoming freshmen at hundreds of community colleges, four-year colleges, and universities across the United States complete the survey, which the Higher Education Research Institute at the University of California-Los Angeles conducts. For her study, Davenport pooled data from the 2001, 2002, and 2003 CIRP Freshman Surveys, giving her a sample of more than 37,000 Asian-white, black-white, and Latino-white biracials, who collectively were the focus of her study. 

 

In addition to gender, religion and socioeconomic status also strongly influenced how biracials self-identified. “Relative to biracials who were religiously unaffiliated, those who identified with ethnically homogeneous religions were more likely to label themselves with a single racial category, than as multiracial,” Davenport said. 

 

For example, in contrast to religiously unaffiliated black-white biracials, the likelihood of identifying as multiracial declined by 44 percent for black-white biracial Baptists. 

 

“I also found that money ‘whitens’ racial identification for biracials,” Davenport said. She noted that compared to less affluent biracials, those from the most affluent homes and neighborhoods were more inclined to identify themselves as “white” or as multiracial than as singular minorities. 

 

“These findings show that for the growing mixed-race population, racial labeling choices are intimately linked to social group attachments, identities, and income,” Davenport said. 

 

Overall, Davenport found that 71 percent of black-white biracials, 54 percent of Asian-white biracials, and 37 percent of Latino-white biracials identified as multiracial. 

 

“For decades, hypodescent—commonly known as the ‘one-drop rule’—structured how individuals of part-black backgrounds were legally and socially identified in the United States,” said Davenport. “As a result, I found it particularly interesting that the vast majority of young people of black-white parentage in my study opted to self-identify with a multiracial label. The fact that of the three biracial groups I focused on, black-white biracials were the most likely to call themselves multiracial is striking. But, it is also in line with the Census statistics showing that ‘black and white’ has become the largest multiple-race population in the United States, tripling in size since 2000. For black-white biracials, a multiracial identification is the new normal.” 

 

So, why were black-white biracials the most likely to identify as multiracial? 

 

“I think it relates to the fact that the ‘one-drop rule’ has been so strong for this population that they feel like historically they have been given less of an ability to choose their race,” Davenport said. “I believe this movement towards multiracialism is partially a response to that frustration. Because people in this group have so strongly been expected to identify as black, they are choosing to assert a new identity, one that incorporates both their black and white heritages. It is also likely that, for some, a multiracial label reflects a desire to socially distance and distinguish oneself from blacks.” 

 

While black-white biracials were the most likely to identify as multiracial, they were also the least likely to self-label as white. Davenport found that 5 percent of black-white biracials identified as white only, compared to 11 percent of Asian-white biracials and 18 percent of Latino-white biracials. 

 

“It’s not completely unexpected that Latino-whites were the most likely of these three groups to identify as white only,” Davenport said. “I think a lot of Latino-Americans think of themselves as having a race that is separate from their ethnicity. On the other hand, that black-white biracials are the least likely to adopt a singular white identification is to be expected, given the legacy of hypodescent, historical norms against ‘passing’ as white, and the greater tendency for black-white biracials to be categorized as non-white by other groups.” 

 

As for why her study is important, Davenport said the multiple-race population is currently one of the fastest-growing racial groups in the country. 

 

“Rates of interracial marriage continue to rise, and social scientists have estimated that one in five Americans will be of mixed-race by 2050,” Davenport said. “This population is a young one, and how members of this group choose to label themselves will have implications for the American racial landscape and race relations. Racial identification is also important for the allocation of political resources, the implementation of affirmative action, and the enforcement of anti-discrimination laws in employment, education, and housing. How biracial individuals choose to identify is more than an assertion of their racial group attachments – it also has real political consequences.” 

 

American Sociological Association

https://www.asanet.org › daught…

 

 

Das Thema wurde in Deutsch übersetzt: 

 

Töchter gemischtrassiger Eltern identifizieren sich häufiger als gemischtrassig als Söhne, und dies gilt insbesondere für Kinder schwarz-weißer Paare. Dies geht aus einer neuen Studie hervor, die in der Februarausgabe 2016 der American Sociological Review erschien. 

 

Unter den schwarz-weißen Mischlingen (den Nachkommen gemischtrassiger Paare, bei denen ein Elternteil schwarz und der andere weiß ist) bezeichneten sich in der Studie 76 Prozent der Frauen und 64 Prozent der Männer als gemischtrassig. Bei den lateinamerikanisch-weißen Mischlingen bezeichneten sich 40 Prozent der Frauen und 32 Prozent der Männer als gemischtrassig. Bei den asiatisch-weißen Mischlingen bezeichneten sich 56 Prozent der Frauen und 50 Prozent der Männer als gemischtrassig. 

 

„Es scheint, dass bei Frauen mit gemischter Abstammung ein rassisch uneindeutiges Aussehen mit Rassenstereotypen in Bezug auf Weiblichkeit und Schönheit verbunden ist“, sagte Studienautorin Lauren Davenport, Assistenzprofessorin für Politikwissenschaft an der Stanford University. „Daher werden gemischtrassige Frauen oft als nicht ganz weiß und nicht ganz als Minderheit angesehen, sondern als eine Art mysteriöse, faszinierende ‚rassische Andere‘. Infolgedessen ist es für Frauen möglicherweise einfacher, gleichzeitig mehreren Rassengruppen anzugehören. Männer mit gemischter Abstammung werden jedoch möglicherweise eher als ‚People of Color‘ wahrgenommen. Ich behaupte, dass die unterschiedliche Art und Weise, wie gemischtrassige Menschen von anderen gesehen werden, beeinflusst, wie sie sich selbst sehen.“ 

 

Die Studie mit dem Titel „Die Rolle von Geschlecht, Klasse und Religion bei der rassischen Einordnung von Amerikanern mit gemischter Abstammung“ basiert auf Daten der Erstsemesterumfrage des Cooperative Institutional Research Program (CIRP). Jedes Jahr nehmen Tausende von Studienanfängern an Hunderten von Community Colleges, Colleges mit vierjährigem Studium und Universitäten in den gesamten Vereinigten Staaten an dieser Umfrage teil, die vom Higher Education Research Institute an der University of California-Los Angeles durchgeführt wird. Für ihre Studie hat Davenport Daten aus den Erstsemesterumfragen des CIRP aus den Jahren 2001, 2002 und 2003 zusammengetragen und so eine Stichprobe von mehr als 37.000 asiatisch-weißen, schwarz-weißen und lateinamerikanisch-weißen Mischlingen gewonnen, die gemeinsam den Schwerpunkt ihrer Studie bildeten. 

 

Neben dem Geschlecht beeinflussten auch Religion und sozioökonomischer Status die Selbstidentifikation von Mischlingen stark. „Im Vergleich zu Mischlingen ohne religiöse Bindung neigten diejenigen, die sich mit ethnisch homogenen Religionen identifizierten, eher dazu, sich einer einzigen Rassenkategorie zuzuordnen, als sich als gemischtrassig zu bezeichnen“, sagte Davenport. 

 

So sank beispielsweise bei schwarz-weißen Baptisten mit gemischter Abstammung im Gegensatz zu religiös nicht gebundenen schwarz-weißen Menschen die Wahrscheinlichkeit, sich als gemischtrassig zu identifizieren, um 44 Prozent. 

 

„Ich habe auch festgestellt, dass Geld die Rassenidentität von Mischlingen ‚weißer‘ macht“, sagte Davenport. Sie stellte fest, dass Menschen aus den wohlhabendsten Familien und Vierteln im Vergleich zu weniger wohlhabenden Mischlingen eher dazu neigten, sich als „weiß“ oder gemischtrassig zu identifizieren, als als einzelne Minderheit. 

 

„Diese Ergebnisse zeigen, dass die Wahl der rassischen Bezeichnung für die wachsende gemischtrassige Bevölkerung eng mit der Bindung an soziale Gruppen, der Identität und dem Einkommen verknüpft ist“, sagte Davenport. 

Insgesamt stellte Davenport fest, dass sich 71 Prozent der schwarz-weißen Mischlinge, 54 Prozent der asiatisch-weißen Mischlinge und 37 Prozent der lateinamerikanisch-weißen Mischlinge als gemischtrassig bezeichneten. 

 

„Jahrzehntelang hat die Hypodescent-Regel – allgemein bekannt als ‚One-Drop-Rule‘ – die rechtliche und soziale Identifizierung von Personen mit teilweise schwarzem Hintergrund in den Vereinigten Staaten bestimmt“, sagte Davenport. „Deshalb fand ich es besonders interessant, dass sich die überwiegende Mehrheit der jungen Menschen mit schwarz-weißer Abstammung in meiner Studie für eine multirassische Selbstidentifizierung entschied. Die Tatsache, dass sich von den drei biracialen Gruppen, auf die ich mich konzentrierte, schwarz-weiße Mischlinge am häufigsten als multirassisch bezeichneten, ist bemerkenswert. Aber es steht auch im Einklang mit den Volkszählungsstatistiken, die zeigen, dass ‚schwarz und weiß‘ die größte multirassische Bevölkerung in den Vereinigten Staaten geworden ist und sich seit 2000 verdreifacht hat. Für schwarz-weiße Mischlinge ist eine multirassische Identifizierung die neue Normalität.“ 

 

Warum also bezeichneten sich schwarz-weiße Mischlinge am ehesten als gemischtrassig? 

 

„Ich denke, es hängt damit zusammen, dass die ‚One-Drop-Rule‘ für diese Bevölkerungsgruppe so streng war, dass sie das Gefühl haben, historisch gesehen weniger Möglichkeiten gehabt zu haben, ihre Rasse zu wählen“, sagte Davenport. „Ich glaube, diese Bewegung hin zu Multirassismus ist teilweise eine Reaktion auf diese Frustration. Weil von den Menschen dieser Gruppe so stark erwartet wurde, dass sie sich als schwarz identifizieren, entscheiden sie sich für eine neue Identität, die sowohl ihr schwarzes als auch ihr weißes Erbe vereint. Es ist auch wahrscheinlich, dass für manche ein multirassisches Etikett den Wunsch widerspiegelt, sich sozial zu distanzieren und sich von Schwarzen abzugrenzen.“

 

Während sich schwarz-weiße Mischlinge am ehesten als gemischtrassig identifizierten, bezeichneten sie sich selbst am wenigsten als weiß. Davenport fand heraus, dass sich 5 Prozent der schwarz-weißen Mischlinge ausschließlich als weiß identifizierten, verglichen mit 11 Prozent der asiatisch-weißen Mischlinge und 18 Prozent der lateinamerikanisch-weißen Mischlinge. 

 

„Es ist nicht völlig unerwartet, dass sich Latino-Weiße von diesen drei Gruppen am ehesten als ausschließlich Weiße identifizieren“, sagte Davenport. „Ich denke, viele Latino-Amerikaner denken, dass sie einer Rasse angehören, die von ihrer ethnischen Zugehörigkeit getrennt ist. Andererseits ist es zu erwarten, dass schwarz-weiße Mischlinge am wenigsten wahrscheinlich eine eindeutige weiße Identifikation annehmen, angesichts des Erbes hypodeszenter, historischer Normen gegen das ‚Durchgehen‘ als Weiße und der größeren Tendenz, dass schwarz-weiße Mischlinge von anderen Gruppen als nicht-weiß kategorisiert werden.“ 

 

Auf die Frage, warum ihre Studie wichtig sei, sagte Davenport, dass die Bevölkerung mit mehreren Rassen derzeit eine der am schnellsten wachsenden ethnischen Gruppen im Land sei. 

 

„Die Zahl der Ehen zwischen verschiedenen Rassen steigt weiter an, und Sozialwissenschaftler schätzen, dass bis 2050 jeder fünfte Amerikaner gemischtrassig sein wird“, sagte Davenport. „Diese Bevölkerung ist jung, und die Art und Weise, wie sich die Mitglieder dieser Gruppe selbst bezeichnen, wird Auswirkungen auf die amerikanische Rassenlandschaft und die Rassenbeziehungen haben. Die rassische Identifikation ist auch wichtig für die Zuteilung politischer Ressourcen, die Umsetzung positiver Maßnahmen und die Durchsetzung von Antidiskriminierungsgesetzen in den Bereichen Beschäftigung, Bildung und Wohnungswesen. Die Art und Weise, wie sich biraciale Personen identifizieren, ist mehr als eine Bestätigung ihrer Zugehörigkeit zu einer Rassengruppe – sie hat auch echte politische Konsequenzen.“

A new study by a sociologist at the University of Kent (UK) reveals how mixed-race British parents draw from their ethnic and racial backgrounds in identifying and raising their children.

 

While mixed race people have been studied both in North America and Europe, no studies have looked specifically at what happens when mixed race people become parents.

 

In her new book, entitled Multiracial Parents: Mixed Families, Generational Change and the Future of Race (NYU Press, November 2017), Professor Miri Song, of the University’s School of Social Policy, Sociology and Social Research, draws on detailed narratives to present a revealing portrait of how multiracial identity is – and is not – transmitted to children.

 

Professor Song’s research found that many multiracial parents feel that their very existence – and the families they and their children constitute – are becoming increasingly normalised and are central to challenging existing racial boundaries and the historical meanings of race. But Professor Song explains in the book that the decisions made by multiracial parents are not only varied, but often tinged with uncertainty and ambivalence.

 

Will ethnic and racial ancestries and identifications be passed on to their children, and how may this process vary for Black/White, South Asian/White, and East Asian multiracial people?

 

Furthermore, she points to the fact that two people with the exact same multiracial backgrounds (for instance Black and White), and with partners of the same racial backgrounds (White), can still identify and raise their children in quite different ways. This is because many factors, such as the physical appearance of children, the parents‘ own upbringing, and regional location, influence this process.

 

As an example, Professor Song shows that it is fully possible that couple A, who live in a mostly White suburb, may tell their child that they are White, while couple B, who live in an area with many more Black people, may decide that their child should identify as, and be seen as, multiracial. Moreover, the importance of race, and concerns about racism, can vary significantly across the multiracial population. 

More and more is known about the ‘mixed’ population of Britain – those brought up in families with different racial, ethnic and faith backgrounds. But less is known about their parents. Who are they and what are their experiences of bringing up their children?

This report aims to provide insights about parenting mixed children to inform debates about family life and professional strategies for support. Focusing on mothers and fathers living together:

  • Investigates how parents from different racial, ethnic and/or faith backgrounds give their children a sense of belonging and identity.
  • Examines parents’ approaches to cultural difference and how they pass on aspects of belonging and heritage across generations.
  • Explores the opportunities, constraints, challenges and tensions in negotiating a sense of identity and heritage between parents.

 

To date, little research has focused on how couples parenting across ethnic categories and mixed religious backgrounds und erstand difference and instil a sense of belonging in their children. To explore and analyse this topic, the following questions about couples from different backgrounds could provide insights.

  1. If two mixed people have a baby, what race is the baby?

Genetically, the child could be 100% white or black, If each parent only passed down their whole white or black genes. Every person passes down…

Top-Antwort: On paper the kid would also be half-black and half-white. DNA test results could show a wide…

Daughters of interracial parents are more likely than sons to identify as multiracial, and this is especially true for children of black-white couples…

Some interracial families face discrimination in their communities. Some children from multiracial families report teasing, whispers, and stares when with their…

  1. Which parent determines the race of a child?

Beginning in 1989, the National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS) changed their standards for determining a child’s race. Since that time, a child’s race has been determined by the race of the mother as reported on the birth certificate. The following are NCHS guidelines for determining the child’s race.

  1. Can mixed race parents have children of a different race?

No, but they can have children who look like any race at all but penultimately there is a drop of each race so they are still mixed.

Mixed children are in a unique position, independent from their parents in terms of race. They’re a beautiful amalgamation, just like a kid…

If you’re a mixed-race couple, your baby receives half of each parent’s skin-colour genes randomly, so she’ll usually inherit a blend of both of you. As genes are passed on randomly, it’s impossible to predict what your baby’s skin colour will be.

 

  1. What are the challenges of raising a biracial child?

Some interracial families face discrimination in their communities. Some children from multiracial families report teasing, whispers, and stares when with their family. Children may also face pressure from society, peers, or their families to identify with only one race.

 

  • Mixed-parent couples in Britain were often in sustained relationships, and a high proportion were middle class.
  • The couples interviewed used three typical approaches to instil a sense of belonging in their children; particular approaches were not associated with particular racial or faith combinations:
  • Individual: children’s sense of belonging was not seen as rooted in their mixed background.
  • Mix: children’s mixed background was understood as a factual part of their identity; all aspects were emphasised.
  • Single: one aspect of children’s mixed background was stressed.
  • Couples whose approach differed in giving their children a sense of belonging were not necessarily in conflict. For some, divergent approaches were complementary. Others saw difficulties between them as humanistic, political or personality choices.
  • Parents identified supportive or constraining resources and relationships in creating a sense of belonging, including neighbourhoods, schools, travel, languages, grandparents and children themselves. What some regarded as supportive, others saw as drawbacks.
  • Mixed-parent couples can be more concerned with other issues, such as children’s safety and health, unity over discipline and financial security.
  • The researchers conclude that it is important that family support, health, education and social services do not make assumptions about mixed families. Families who seem to share a Form of mixing can differ from each other. ‚Mixedness‘ may be insignificant for some, compared to other issues. Mixed families would benefit from policies and practice that further tackle prejudice based on race and faith.

 

Advances in using census data now make it possible to identify households where couples are parenting across ethnic categories. Despite parenting across racial, ethnic and religious boundaries being increasingly common, it is portrayed as though fraught with difficulties. The notion of ‚culture clash‘ is frequently used to explain its problematic nature, with assertions that children are subject to identity confusion.

Limited attention has been paid to mixed-family parenting in Britain. This exploratory research analysed census data and looked at how 35 couples from different racial, ethnic and religious backgrounds sought to give their children a sense of belonging and identity. The term ‚mixed‘ is used to encompass a range of racial, ethnic and faith differences.

Data shows that over half of ‚Mixed‘ ethnicity children under 16 had married or cohabiting parents. Most children in mixed-couple households were living with both biological parents (87 per cent).

Mixed-couple families also had a middle-class dimension. Over a third were professional/middle managers (35 per cent), and nearly a further third worked in other non-manual occupations (30 per cent). A high proportion were well qualified: over a third held first degrees or equivalent (36 per cent) and professional qualifications (34 per cent). They tended to own their houses (75 per cent); most owned a car (88 per cent).

 

The parents interviewed had diverse ways of understanding difference and creating a sense of belonging for their children. Three typical approaches could be identified: individual, mix and single. However, particular approaches were not usually associated with particular racial, ethnic or faith combinations.

 

Parents did not see their children’s identity and sense of belonging as necessarily rooted in their racial, ethnic or faith backgrounds. They encouraged their children to think beyond such categories, or to explore other facets of their identities:

I think the fundamental thing for them is that they are … happy with whom they feel they are and able to articulate that and be a bit cosmopolitan. (White British/white Other and Christian/Jewish mix father with an Indian Sikh partner)

I think there are so many mixed couples now and mixed race children … I actually think that the colour thing is less an issue than people’s personalities, their set up. (White British mother with a black British partner)

Parents stressed one aspect of their children’s background and promoted a sense of belonging through it:

I told one of my sons, „you are mixed white and Pakistani,“ I said, „you know your religion is Islam, you are a Muslim“. I said to him, „whatever, doesn’t matter what that boy says, doesn’t matter what colour your skin is, at the end of the day anybody could be a Muslim“. (White British mother, converted to Islam, with a Pakistani Muslim partner)

For my daughter to be able to identify herself as African is the first and foremost … For her to know that she belongs somewhere, which is maybe Ghana where I’m originally from. (Black Ghanaian father with a black British Jamaican partner)

 

Parents understood their children’s background as a rooted, factual part of their identity. This was only evident in relation to race and ethnicity, with no evidence of mixing religions:

We talked about … the fact that I am English and come from an English background and Lisa comes from a Chinese background, and we just said that means you have got a bit of both in you and you can learn from other cultures. (White British father with a Chinese partner)

We taught our daughter at an early age to not get caught up in colour or race. If you ask her what she is, she’ll say she’s a ‚mixie‘. (Black Trinidadian father with a white British/Irish/Pakistani mix partner)

Where parents did not share the same approach to difference and belonging, this did not necessarily mean there was conflict between them. For some couples, divergent approaches complemented each other. Others moved away from understanding difficulties between them as rooted in cultural difference towards seeing them as stemming from humanistic, political or personality choices. Rather than deeply rooted religious, ethnic or faith cultural differences, these chosen viewpoints seemed more amenable to negotiation and accommodation.

Parents identified everyday resources and relationships that supported or constrained them in their attempts to create a sense of belonging for their children. What some regarded as supportive others might, however, see as more of a drawback.

Bringing up their children in a diverse neighbourhood was often important to parents. So was sending them to a school reflecting this diversity:

They had a fantastic multicultural evening at school … where all the parents brought food from their countries. We went Jewish and took some bagels and smoked salmon in, and my daughters both wore Ghanaian sort of smocks. It was fantastic being at a school that was like that. (White British mother from a secular Jewish/atheist background, with a black British Ghanaian Christian partner)

Some did not feel that diversity was essential:

I think because it’s a middle-classy kind of liberal enough area overall, then you feel comfortable and there isn’t really issues, and there isn’t the kind of, „oh, look at them“ sort of thing. It’s not a multicultural area by any means but I think it’s an area where people are more accepted. (British Pakistani and Muslim father with a white British Christian partner)

Parents referred to a range of resources and organisations that helped them to give their children a sense of belonging. Their significance and implications varied according to the approach to difference and belonging that parents pursued. Religious institutions were important to parents taking a single approach in terms of their children’s faith upbringing, but of little relevance to parents taking a mix or individual approach.

 

Parents who focused on the specific mix of their children’s background or took a single approach stressing a racial identity other than being British often regarded visits ‚back home‘ as important. Learning their own or their partner’s mother tongue was also seen as significant for their children’s sense of identity. Parents taking an individual approach often saw travel and learning other languages as part of broadening their children’s horizons.

Grandparents could be a help and a hindrance. In helping, not only could they provide practical support such as childcare (if living locally), but they could also give their grandchildren a sense of cultural heritage:

Ling’s mum is a very devout … Taoist or whatever, and she’s always practised … Buddhist Taoist meditation type things … I think our son finds some of his grandmother’s religious stuff quite attractive. Overall, he does like and respect her so I wouldn’t be surprised if he ended up becoming a devout Buddhist of some sort. (White British father with a Chinese partner)

On the hindrance side, parents could perceive grandparents passing on their views about cultural heritage as interference, undermining their own efforts:

We went down for lunch and my husband said, „Oh, our son is having his hair cane-rowed“. And his mother went, „No, he’s not“. It’s her opinion that only girls have that done. And probably 40 years ago only girls did have it done, but now anyone has it done. And I went, „Excuse me, he’s my son and he will have anything he likes done to his hair, it’s not up to you to say“. And it did erupt into a huge argument. (White Irish Catholic mother with a black British Jamaican Protestant partner)

Parents‘ approaches could be negotiated around their children’s physical appearance:

One of my daughters is quite brown and she will sometimes look at herself and say, „Why am I so brown and my sister is really white and you’re really white? I’m like daddy“. I think she feels that she is Moroccan-British and the other one doesn’t really think about it. (White British mother from a Christian background with a Moroccan Muslim partner)

Children’s preferences could also play a major role in shaping parents‘ approaches:

At first we just quite happily celebrated Hanukkah and then Christmas, and Passover and then Easter, and that worked really well. But then our son went on to develop a very very strong sense of himself as a Jewish child. (White British Jewish mother with a white British Christian partner)

Parents could be more concerned about issues other than understanding difference and belonging in bringing up their children. Recurring worries concerned children’s safety and health, parental unity over discipline and financial security:

Well I think my worries are just the same as any parent. Drugs, crime, getting in with the wrong crowd and all them things. (White Irish Catholic mother with a black British Jamaican Protestant partner)

We do kind of make sure we set boundaries for the children and maintain it. It’s not like, „oh yes, oh well,“ you know, we have got to actually do as we say and stand by what the other person says. (Chinese mother with a white British husband)

How parents viewed difference and approached giving their children a sense of belonging cut across the idea that there is one ‚best‘ way that parents in mixed relationships can understand their children’s identity. It is important that family support, health, education and social services do not make stereotypical assumptions about mixed families.

 

Equally, there are no universal messages about the sorts of support that parents will find useful. Practitioners need to be wary of implementing initiatives on the grounds of ‚mixedness‘. The implications can differ across families who seem to share a form of mixing, and for whom mixedness may be insignificant compared to other issues.

 

The most difficult issue for parents in bringing up mixed children can be others‘ response to their mixedness. Mixed families, as with minority ethnic families generally, would benefit from policies and practices that focus on further tackling negative assumptions, discrimination and prejudice based on race, ethnicity and faith.

Complementary approaches

Nancy and Andrew are a white South African Jewish and white British atheist couple married for over 20 years. They have two children. Nancy has a firm single approach to difference and belonging. While not bothered about passing on her South African ethnicity, she is bringing up her children as practising Jews because she sees this as an intrinsic part of her and her children’s identity. Andrew espouses a clear individual approach. He believes it is very important that his children have a sense of themselves as individuals rather than being part of any particular group. Despite their divergent approaches, Andrew sees the Jewish values Nancy is instilling in their children as coinciding with his atheist and social beliefs about being open and tolerant in a diverse society, and as providing the children with a sense of identity.

 

Reframing approaches

Ling and Howard are a Chinese and white British couple who have been married for 10 years and have a son. Ling emphasises the single, Chinese aspect of their son’s upbringing in her approach to his behaviour and skills. In contrast, Howard takes a strong individual approach, regarding ethnic identification as limiting and unimportant. Their divergent understandings have proved a source of some conflict. Nonetheless, they are managing to negotiate a shift. Ling is trying to pose their problems over bringing up their son as less to do with culture and more to do with personality issues that can be addressed through relationship counselling. Howard tries to understand Ling’s focus on Chinese heritage as a means of providing their son with important, interesting knowledge and resources.

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